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liberal movement (australia)
from wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

steele hall featured in the 1975 campaign poster.
the liberal movement (lm) was a minor south australian political party in the 1970s. stemming from discontent within the ranks of the liberal and country league, it was organised in 1972 by former premier steele hall as an internal group in response to a perceived resistance to sought reform within its parent. a year later, when tensions heightened between the lcl's conservative wing and the lm, it was established in its own right as a progressive liberal party. when still part of the league, it had eleven parliamentarians; on its own, it was reduced to three.
in the federal election of 1974, it succeeded in having hall elected to the australian senate with a primary vote of 10 per cent in south australia. it built upon this in the 1975 state election, gaining almost a fifth of the total vote and an additional member. however, the non-labor parties narrowly failed to dislodge the incumbent dunstan labor government. that result, together with internal weaknesses, led in 1976 to the lm's being re-absorbed into the lcl, which by then had become the south australian division of the liberal party of australia. the non-labor forces again failed in 1977 but succeeded in winning government at the 1979 election.
a segment of the lm, led by former state attorney-general robin millhouse, did not rejoin the liberals, instead forming a new party, the new lm, which, combined with the australia party, under the invited leadership of don chipp, formed the nucleus of the australian democrats which aspired to a balance of power in the federal senate and up to four state upper houses for three decades. the lm and its successor parties gave voice to what is termed "small-l liberalism" in australia.
contents [hide]
1 party system
2 liberal representation
3 electoral reform
4 formation
5 split
6 elections and support
6.1 federal election 1974
6.2 state election 1975
6.3 federal election 1975
7 decline
8 notes
9 references
[edit]party system

prior to parties becoming established in the australian colonies in the later 19th century, all members of the colonial parliaments were independents, occasionally labelled as 'liberal' or 'conservative', amongst other terms.[1] with the advent of labor, these groups combined to form anti-labor parties.[2] 'liberal', in the australian context, refers to what could be described as classical liberalism, and is distant from the modern meaning that the word has acquired in the united states and some other countries.[3] as a train of thought, australian liberalism has been less rooted in any defined ideology and more in pragmatism and opposition to labor. liberalism in australia represents the centre-right of the political spectrum, while labor represents the centre-left.[4]
the first labor party in south australia was the united labor party (ulp) in 1890, born out of a trade union association that recommended and supported trade unionist candidates.[5] in response, the national defence league (ndl) was born three years later.[6] in 1909, the ndl combined with other anti-labor parties to form the liberal union (later known as the liberal federation).[7] the ulp morphed into the australian labor party in 1910, and has been known by this name ever since. later a country party emerged, representing rural interests,[8] but this was assimilated back into the conservative side of politics with the formation of the liberal and country league (lcl) in 1932.[9] the south australian party system has not deviated from this two-party divide, and all other parties gained negligible representation or influence,[10] until the emergence of smaller parties such as the australian democrats in the late 20th century, and the australian greens and family first party in the 21st century.[11][12][13]
[edit]liberal representation

political scientists neal blewett and dean jaensch characterised the lcl as a strange amalgamation of differing groups: "the adelaide 'establishment', the yeoman proprietary (farmers and regional workers), and the adelaide middle class".[14] of these groups, the middle class was the most electorally depressed, both in parliament and within the party itself, due to a 2:1 ratio favouring regional areas both in electoral legislation and the party organisation. the establishment influenced the party with its financial backing, while the yeoman proprietary was the most numerous.[15] only in 1956 did the urban middle class achieve parliamentary representation through robin millhouse, who was elected to the urban middle class seat of mitcham.[15]
millhouse was a vocal advocate of his broader constituency; championing their case in a party dominated by rural conservatives. he wrote a paper on the 'liberal case for electoral reform', arguing for a fairer electoral system,[16] as it was biased against voters resident in the capital city, adelaide, whether they be progressive or conservative, liberal or labor.[16][17] many younger urban middle class voters, who would have normally been attracted to the lcl, were abandoning the party for labor due to their dissatisfaction with the malapportioned electoral system known as the 'playmander'.[18] but this concerned the rural conservatives little, who hoped to retain their hold on power through the present system, which included a legislative council where suffrage was based on land ownership, resulting in a body dominated by the ruling class and the rural landholders, and a 16–4 lcl majority. millhouse's paper was quickly ignored.[16]
the lcl had governed, primarily under the stead of sir thomas playford, for 32 years, and finally lost to labor in 1965.[19] a year and a half later, when playford retired, steele hall was elected to replace him. a young farmer from a rural constituency, hall had never conflicted with the party line, and was expected to uphold the existing lcl principles,[16] having spoken out in support of the playmander and the restrictive legislative council before.[20] however, when the lcl was returned to office in 1968 under his leadership, with the help of malapportionment, hall was under pressure. labor had led the lcl 52.0 to 43.8% on primary votes, but due to the playmander, both ended with 19 seats and an independent supported the lcl and returned them to power. large protests against the playmander broke out, and there were strong calls for reform.[16]
the lcl had routinely ignored such protests before, but hall's course differed from what was expected.[16] he appointed millhouse his attorney-general, and continued a raft of social reform that had begun under the previous labor government.[21] this was opposed by some conservatives within the party; lines began to be drawn, and factions began to appear.[17] hall commented in the party's newsletter that "too many people see the lcl as a party tied to conservative traditions. we must show voters that we can move with the times, that we are 'with it'."[17]
[edit]electoral reform

the level of malapportionment had grown to a level in excess of 3:1 in favour of rural areas,[17] and hall, having won the previous election on 46 per cent of the two-party-preferred vote, committed himself to a fairer electoral system.[22] previously 39 members were elected; 13 from metropolitan adelaide and 26 from the country. hall's first attempt for reform was a system with 45 seats and 20 from the country; this proposal receiving scorn from both labor and the rural councillors, seen as not going far enough by the former and going too far by the latter.[23] a second proposal, for 47 seats with 19 in the country, was adopted with bipartisan support in the house of assembly, but encountered opposition in the legislative council. the new system would make an lcl win near-impossible in the coming election, and hall and the lcl were aware of it. for his weakening of rural constituencies, hall became an enemy to those councillors who stood in defence of the previous system.[23] hall saw the political situation as untenable and felt the lcl needed reform to cope with the removal of an artificial situation.[17]